Last Updated: May 26, 1999
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The liberal press?
Liberal reporters, yes;
liberal slant no!
How professionalism and the profit motive inoculate
the news from blatant political bias, critics notwithstanding
By Everette E. Dennis
Whether in the heat of political campaigns, the daily provocations of
talk radio or the crisp statistical reports of pollsters, Americans are
continuously told that the news media are politically tainted by a liberal,
left-wing bias.
Even though that’s the journalistic equivalent of saying a restaurant
serves rancid food, this charge is rarely answered by the media establishment
or for that matter by average reporters and editors.
To some, the evidence of liberal bias seems incontrovertible as study
after study finds reporters and editors more likely to identify with liberal
politics and the Democratic Party by margins ranging from 55 or 60 percent
to as high as 85 percent. While some of the more lopsided results come
from unabashedly political sources, others are from foundations, industry
groups and academics who have no particular ax to grind.
From studies of the elite national press to those focused on medium-
and small-town newspapers, working journalists consistently register positive
on the liberal litmus test and have since the 1930s when Leo Rosten first
examined the character, background and practices of the Washington press
corps.
To many critics, these studies offer definitive evidence of a pervasive
liberal bias among the nation’s journalists. But this is far too simplistic.
Among other things, these critics ignore the political predilections of
publishers and media owners, which are and have always been overwhelmingly
conservative. They ignore the tilt of newspaper editorial endorsements,
which frequently favor Republican candidates, often in the face of popular
sentiment. They ignore the influence of market forces, which serve as a
natural check on journalistic partisanship. They ignore the professional
principles to which credible journalists subscribe. They ignore the astonishing
diversity of the American press. And, perhaps most importantly, they ignore
the conspicuous paucity of research demonstrating a pervasive bias in news
content.
A history of accusations
Accusations of political bias are as old as political reporting itself
and they have been leveled by every conceivable candidate, from every imaginable
political party against every identifiable group in the journalistic chain
— reporters, editors, editorial writers, publishers and owners.
Just looking at 20th century presidents and presidential candidates,
one finds an almost universal complaint against a supposedly opposition
press. The Democrat Franklin Delano Roosevelt, for example, argued that
the press was "about 200 percent Republican," and Democratic candidate
Adlai Stevenson decried the "one-party press," by which he meant the Republicans.
From the late 1960s forward, however, the press has most often been scored
for its "liberal" leanings, most recently by Bob Dole who spoke of a "dangerously
liberal bias," and George Bush whose bumper stickers and placards urged
voters to, "Annoy the Media, Vote for Bush."
Evidence of bias in coverage is lacking
While the political affiliations and leanings of journalists hardly
seem in doubt, there is no convincing evidence that journalists infect
their stories — intentionally or otherwise — with their own political prejudices.
While a few studies suggest such a link, most are the handiwork of right-leaning
groups and critics whose research methods can’t withstand scrutiny.
Of course, this lack of credible evidence doesn’t inhibit conservative
critics who see the "liberal" contamination of news as self-evident. It
is "only logical," radio talkmeister Rush Limbaugh opines, that "liberal"
media folks produce "liberal" content. Pure and simple. Case closed. Or
is it?
Bias is bad for business
Flying in the face of this conservative critique, is the equally pervasive
and timeless charge that the news media are driven by the financial preoccupations
of their own conservative owners who push entertainment over information
and who are increasingly reluctant to invest in expensive investigative
reporting. As one critic put it, "anyone who thinks the media are liberal
hasn’t attended meetings of the Newspaper Association of America or the
National Association of Broadcasters." Both industry groups, made up of
owners, emphasize economic issues and increasing market share.
Media organizations, as a profit-making businesses, naturally seek economies
of scale, are responsive to the largest possible audience and are leery
of upsetting any substantial segment of their potential audience. At the
same time, however, analysts tell us that the country is more politically
conservative than it was two decades ago. If all of this is true, news
organizations would be shooting themselves in the foot by producing a politically-charged,
left-leaning product certain to offend more than half their audience. Politically
tainted journalism is simply bad business.
Professionalism rules
Not only can the conservative critique not be reconciled with the financial
imperatives of the marketplace, it discounts entirely any element of integrity
or professionalism among the American press. The fact is that accuracy,
impartiality and fairness are at the very core of the journalistic craft.
These principles are embedded in the rhetoric of American journalism, they
are a fundamental part of the journalist’s training and virtually all working
journalists aspire to these goals, at least as an ideal. Indeed, the role
model for many political journalists is the Washington Post’s David Broder,
who is universally respected as an impartial professional.
In addition to these basic principles, most journalists are also driven
by their curiosity and their vigilance of the actions and excesses of government
and other powerful institutions. This "checking" function often gets the
press in trouble with critics who frequently confuse tough or critical
stories with biased stories. Jerry Nachman, broadcast executive and one-time
editor of the New York Post, once asked, "When will people realize that
the common theme in journalism is stories that prove again and again that
government doesn’t work?" Nachman makes the point that if liberalism means
advocating greater government involvement, the press is hardly pro-liberal.
If anything, it’s simply anti-establishment, which to some extent it needs
to be.
‘The best and blandest’
The conservative critique — which characterizes the news media based
largely on studies of reporters’ personal politics — also fails to acknowledge
the vast scope and diversity of the American media. It suggests a monolithic
media that is uniformly committed to undermining conservatives and edifying
liberals. But the American news media are neither as politically charged
as the conservative critique suggests, nor as uniform in purpose or approach.
I’m always amused by the reaction of foreign visitors to this country
when told that many Americans consider their press to be politically biased.
In most countries of the world the press is openly political and often
strongly linked to political parties or movements. By contrast, the American
news media — from newspapers to news magazines to broadcast news to the
wire services — are what New York Magazine once labeled "the best and the
blandest," for their relatively prosaic approach to politics. By any international
standard, the American media are tame — almost balanced to a fault — but
not tainted.
As for the supposed uniformity of voices in the American media, any
comprehensive examination would indicate otherwise. For example:
-
Among the Big Five national newspapers — and in this group, I would
include the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, the Wall Street Journal,
the Washington Post and USA Today — left-of-center, centrist and right-leaning
voices all appear regularly, and none of these major papers could be accused
of offering daily valentines to Bill Clinton or to any of his predecessors.
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The news magazines also have left, center and right editorial perspectives.
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The highly scrutinized television network newscasts are called liberal
by conservative critics and slavishly establishment-oriented by those on
the left.
-
Talk radio’s most vocal and listened-to programs are conservative.
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Cable’s growing news and public affairs offerings are varied with something
of a tilt toward conservatives in some high-profile programs and combative
pro-and-con formats in others.
-
The most successful opinion magazines today are on the right with liberals
like The Nation’s Victor Navasky lamenting that "there is no left left
in America."
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And go to the op-ed pages of America’s newspapers. Conservative columnists
dominate and apparently have the highest readership. Some editorial page
editors even regard left-of-center columnists as an endangered species
(note, for example, the Washington Post’s recent dropping of its liberal
stalwart Coleman McCarthy due to declining reader interest).
So, not only are the number of liberal voices in the media dwindling, their
influence is actually being eclipsed by their conservative counterparts.
And, it should be emphasized, the presence and influence of conservative
opinion leaders has always been felt in the American media. In a lengthy
examination of the most influential voices in U.S. media "from Lippmann
to Letterman" (1930s to 1990s), Frank Mankiewicz found abundant conservative
opinion leaders in each of the decades studied. What’s more, the only person
to appear on the list in each of those seven decades was conservative commentator
Paul Harvey.
Lack of response taken as affirmation
Conservative critics of the press, whatever their intentions, have gone
astray by assuming too much. The U.S. press is not liberal, except in the
personal political views of a majority of reporters, and these characteristics
are no more likely to be injected into a story than are journalists’ age,
educational background, religion or taste in music. But some critics fill
in those blanks, manufacture connections that don’t exist, and then paint
their critique across the facade of an entire industry.
Nevertheless, the impression of political bias lingers, supported by
quantitative studies (often taken out of context or devised for political
purposes) and by political opinion leaders who have adroitly transformed
the once-esteemed term "liberal" in to an epithet.
Through all the clamor, the press itself has largely ignored these charges.
To the apparent over-supply of liberally inclined journalists, little is
said about the neutrality of hiring policies. To the suggestion that liberals
get a free ride — something the Clinton White House would find surprising
— again, only a few press critics have made clear that the scandals that
have plagued the Clinton administration were either broken by, or substantially
reported by, the supposedly liberal media establishment.
In the face of conservative criticism of the press, little is said about
the strident, though less visible, critics on the left who believe that
news media is contaminated not by a political virus, but by market forces.
This case has been made less noisily in scores of books by scholars and
commentators, yet in popular discourse on the media, it’s the conservative
critique that prevails.
Education is the best refutation
While the press ought not seek popularity, media people ought to take
the growing groundswell of criticism more seriously. They should pay heed
and make appropriate responses to reassure the public that news and information
in America are not contaminated by either deliberate or thoughtless political
bias. While mistakes are made, and flawed stories occasionally seep into
the news, these are not the result of any nefarious conspiracy; they are
simply the inevitable byproducts of an imperfect news production process.
Those of us in and close to the journalistic community need to explain
these realities to the public: that the press is guided more by professionalism
than by politics; that partisan viruses are often inoculated by the realities
of the marketplace; that journalists do, in fact, police each other’s behavior
and regularly discuss press ethics and performance; and that the suggestion
of an industry-wide bias in the press is painful one, because it goes to
the heart of what journalists aspire to do.
If these things aren’t persuasively communicated to the public, media
credibility will continue to dissolve. The press can’t sit back any longer
while the public is inundated with suspect research figures and convoluted
conspiracy theories showing bias in the press. The credibility of the media
is not suffering because of a liberal press bias; it’s suffering, in large
part, because of the continuing charge of bias that has gone unanswered
for too long.
Dennis, a senior vice president of The Freedom Forum, is author of
more than 30 books on media issues.