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Journalism credibility - Credibility: A trust that was rarely there

Author: Arlene Notoro-Morgan
Published: October 01, 1997
Last Updated: May 26, 1999
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Journalism credibility

Credibility: A trust that was rarely there

A look at the historical record of the public’s trust in newspapers finds that outside of Watergate, the media has rarely had that trust

By Arlene Notoro-Morgan

Newspapers have been in an almost perpetual state of war with the reading public over the issues of sensationalism, truthfulness, believability and bias since the moment the Founding Fathers put the words "free" and "press" together. The gap between professional standards and reader preferences certainly points to a number of problems for editors who must balance what sells with what can be credibly produced in the allotted time. Often the public that criticizes our performance as sensational is the same public that has made People the one of most profitable magazines on the newsstand.

In his book, "The Press and The Public: Who Reads What, When, Where and Why in American Newspapers," industry researcher Leo Bogart says that success in editing a newspaper is also tied to circulation gains and wonders if this means that the traits that make a newspaper good are the same ones that make it popular.

A number of good newspapers were among the 200 or so that have gone out of business in the latter part of this century. Credibility, as defined by accuracy, fairness and balance, had nothing to do with their failures and probably little to do with the papers that dominated them.

But today, credibility issues, focused on the goal of quality improvement in this increasingly media-savvy society, may mean more to our future survival than they have in the past.

To move forward with a self-analysis on why the industry’s trust ratings are so low in the eyes of the public, today’s editors should stop yearning to recapture a trust they presume existed in the past. History fails to document, with the exception of Watergate, that we ever had their trust.

The power and influence of the press, depending on what poll one reads, has ranged from awesome to minimal. A 1997 Gallup poll put the public’s trust in newspapers behind pharmacists, physicians and ministers, about neck to neck with politicians but behind television news anchors. News researchers, however, don’t think these ratings are a reason to panic, pointing to statistics that show 85 percent of the population reading a newspaper at least once a week and about 65 percent reading on a daily basis.

Fragile at best, credibility ratings can change from day to day, from story to story and from issue to issue and often depend on who is being polled. A paper with a high credibility rating on the issues of fairness, accuracy and objectivity can blow its reputation with one picture, the insensitive coverage of a tragedy or a sensational headline.

A review of more than 50 years of literature on newspaper credibility failed to find evidence of the public’s high regard, outside of Watergate, which the media itself helped promote through congratulatory articles about the Washington Post.

But the Post, says journalism historian Rodger Streitmatter, was virtually the only news organization that committed its investigative resources in the first six months following the Watergate break-in. "Indeed, many of the nation’s leading newspapers, news magazines, and television networks not only did not follow the story themselves but accused the Post of overplaying the story," he writes in his book, "Mightier Than the Sword: How the News Media Have Shaped American History." When the work was vindicated, polls found that the public felt new respect for reporters and schools of journalism began bursting at the seams.

In the days following Nixon’s resignation, public opinion polls showed that 68 percent had "trust and confidence" in the news media. By 1995 those numbers were in the 20s. Was it the story that drove the public’s trust or had we lost credibility through the public perception of reporters as arrogant, irresponsible, self-centered careerists out to make the stockholders happy? Or are we suffering from a cycle of distrust for all institutions that is based all we have reported since the end of World War II?

The work now under way by ASNE, the Media Studies Center and the Project for Journalism Excellence attempts to find some specific answers to these questions and, it is hoped, how they connect to success in the marketplace.

But is the media really perceived as less credible now than it was earlier in this century?

A look at media credibility of U.S. periodicals between 1900-1939 written by Linda Weiner Hausman described almost 500 articles that gauged newspapers on social responsibility, business dealings and examples of improper ethics, yellow journalism, coverage of crime, tabloid exploits and just general bad behavior. Here are some tidbits:

  • In 1926, Outlook magazine said that the press was "not as vigilant a watchdog as it once was because it was too well fed."
  • During the days of the New Deal, The Nation urged the press to adjust to changing times, while criticizing editors who opposed FDR administration policies of falsifying news.
  • Conflicts about the industry’s need to make money were as visible at the beginning of the century as they are today.
  • In 1902, The Nation lamented that the "counting room" had taken control of the newspaper and urged editors to check against innocuous and dull writing, which it saw as bad for business.
  • In 1926, the American Mercury said that industry improvements of the past 25 years had been material, not spiritual. "They used to spread ideas. Now they only make profits."
The pre-World War II period also boasted its share of Princess Diana-type celebrities. The press hounded Charles Lindbergh from the minute he stepped off his famous flight through the abduction of his baby and subsequent trial of the kidnapper.

Newspaper performance, the subject of incessant criticism for a century, has been scrutinized by two major commissions since World War II. One, commonly called the Hutchins Commission, was an attempt to head off further government restrictions on the press that were in force during the war. Chaired by Robert M. Hutchins, then-chancellor of the University of Chicago, the 139-page report, issued in 1947, warned that the media were in danger of losing their freedoms because they had failed "to accept the full measure of their responsibility to the public."

Composed mostly of academics and no journalists, the commission recommended that the media should:

  • Provide a truthful, comprehensive and intelligent account of the day’s events in a context which gives them meaning.
  • Be a forum for exchange of comment and criticism on matters of public importance. Present a representative picture of the constituent groups in the society.
  • Undertake the presentation and clarification of the goals and values of society.
  • Provide to the public full access to the day’s intelligence.
With few exceptions the Hutchins recommendations were repudiated. Then-ASNE president Wilbur Forrest said he doubted that one in 10 on the 13-member commission "could run a newspaper and stay out of bankruptcy over 12 months." The report was left for journalism educators and historians to ponder. Yet its aftermath did produce efforts to separate fact from opinion. Journalists were taught to label commentary and analysis pieces. Ethics discussions helped move newsrooms to a more professional standard by the time the first baby boomers hit college classrooms.

The second set of recommendations, included in the 1968 Kerner Commission report, met with more lasting consequences. Convened in the face of the 1960s racial riots, the commission specifically targeted the media’s role in reporting about constituent groups in society. Kerner saw the coverage of blacks as largely negative and reactionary. It described the media — with few exceptions — as treating "Negroes as if Negroes do not read newspapers or watch television, give birth, marry, die or go to PTA meetings." The press, said Kerner, was failing to communicate to "both their black and white audiences a sense of the problems America faces and the sources of potential solutions."

If we look at newspapers and the various charges of distrust and bias over the years, there is little evidence to support that editors will embrace the financial and philosophical changes that would make their papers more credible to the public. To the contrary, the industry has operated on a defensive posture based on the rights granted by the First Amendment. Current attempts to meet and understand reader concerns in various advisory and community forums have no historical parallels. Imagine if you will, William Randolph Hearst or Joseph Pulitzer conducting a town meeting or a focus group.

The changing social climate and the competitive forces may require new types of public interactions and editorial leadership if we are to continue to serve the democratic process and civic well being. Pulitzer and Hearst only had each other to worry about. Their readers were a captive audience with little else to do with their leisure hours. The trust and attention of today’s readers cannot be taken for granted.

While no significant studies conclusively link reader departures to specific issues of credibility, the lack of time people cite for their failure to read newspapers must play into our overall view of what makes our work credible. Some readers who abhor editorial stands on abortion, political candidates and welfare reform would probably not miss an edition, for the very reason that they enjoy the debate. Others accept bias as a fact of a newspaper’s existence with little complaint. Regrettably, we don’t know the answers to many of these questions because past studies have rarely gone beyond the superficial.

Past self-examinations did lead to some reforms and to an increased professionalism that produced stronger, less biased papers than those reviewed by the two commissions. As part of their social responsibility, newspaper exposes have led to significant changes in health care, prisons, environmental practices, and campaign and election practices. Still, the public tells the pollsters it wants more — maybe more than we can give. These studies, warn the marketing researchers, may not help us with our readership and circulation initiatives, especially if based on past practices. Their value, it would seem, are the templates they can create for the industry to adopt a quality improvement program hinged to what we, as journalists, all have a stake in — being believed.

The current studies are intended to produce the specifics behind the public’s long-held but little-heeded feelings of distrust. They may result in programs to use commas correctly, write more accurate headlines and get the titles and names right. They may also lead us to check facts more vigorously and explain ourselves better from a variety of perspectives on the rights and responsibilities of the First Amendment.

Some say we must do a better job of marketing ourselves to ensure that the value of newspapers are not lost on society. Before we do that, let’s make sure that our newspapers are something of value and worth the effort. The latest rash of credibility studies should focus on making history, not repeating it.

Morgan is assistant to editor at The Philadelphia Inquirer. She is currently working on a journalism text, "What Planet Do You Think You're Covering?"


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