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Page Location: Home » Archives » Publications » 1997 » The Newspaper Journalists of the '90's » Index of Profiles report
Minority Journalists

Published: July 07, 1997
Last Updated: October 08, 1997
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Members of minority groups share many traits with wheir white colleagues. But among the issues on which they differ is on the commitment of their paper to diversity, which they believe to be inadequate. And if they could make one change at their paper, most would chose to improve newsroom communication rather than to expand the staff.


The 1996 newsroom reflected in the survey was 11 percent minority - still considerably less than minority representation in the population as a whole (26 percent). But if the numbers in the sample represent the workforce as a whole (and ASNE's 1996 employment survey also found 11 percent), the news business is clearly moving away from its white-male dominance of the previous 200 years.

In what ways are blacks, Hispanics, Asian Americans and American Indians different from the racial majority? To find reliable answers, a second survey phase was necessary. The 1996 workforce sample yielded only about 110 minority journalists, including only a few dozen Hispanic and Asian American journalists and only a few American Indians. In order to get results that could be analyzed with greater statistical power, an ''oversample'' of minorities was sought, in which members of the National Association of Black Journalists, the National Association of Hispanic Journalists, the Asian American Journalists Association, and the Native American Journalists Association were asked to fill out questionnaires.

When the data from minority respondents in the original workforce survey were combined with the ''oversample'' data, the number of black respondents totaled 155; Hispanics, 92; Asian Americans, 98; and American Indians, 12. Because the number of American Indians was still too low to assure statistical significance, the American Indian results were not broken out as a separate category.

In most of the survey analyses, it is impossible to merge groups to create a ''minority opinion'' or ''minority characteristic,'' because such a grouping would be arbitrary in the extreme. Blacks, Hispanics and Asian Americans are often as different from one another as they are from white journalists. For example, the distribution of job categories among minorities seems to mirror the distribution for the entire workforce: 46 percent reporters, 10 percent photographers/ artists, 23 percent supervisors, etc. But there is one notable exception: There tend to be fewer Hispanic copy editors. Whereas 18 percent of the rest of the workforce (including blacks and Asian Americans) work on the copy desk, only 10 percent of Hispanics are copy editors.

In many areas of newspaper journalism, ethnic origin makes no difference. In the characteristics and attitudes probed in this survey, however, there are enough differences to warrant at least some reporting here. As the news business strives to increase its ethnic and gender diversity to better reflect the population it serves, the values and traits of its minority-group journalists will become increasingly important.

Personal Differences

Perhaps the most striking demographic difference between minority and white newspaper journalists is age: The minority journalists are younger. Whereas 52 percent of all respondents are between 25 and 40, 67 percent of Hispanics and blacks are that young. The difference is more pronounced among Asian Americans: 50 percent are under 30 (compared to 20 percent for the overall sample).

The balance between men and women is about the same for Hispanics as it is for whites, but not so for Asian Americans and blacks. In fact, only in these two ethnic groups are women the majority: 53 percent of Asian American journalists are women, and 52 percent of blacks (compared to 37 percent of the workforce).

Minority journalists tend to work at the larger papers. Seventy-three percent of the respondents work at papers of at least 50,000 circulation, but more than 83 percent of the Hispanics, blacks and Asian Americans work at papers that large. And while only 37 percent of the workforce are at papers of more than 250,000 in circulation, 49 percent of Asian Americans, 53 percent of blacks and 55 percent of Hispanics work for metros of that size.

Blacks and Asian Americans tend to be single with greater frequency than the other ethnic groups, and minority journalists' children tend to be younger, but those results are a function of the relative youth of the minority workforce.

In politics, minority journalists are decidedly more liberal. Where 61 percent of the workforce is liberal-Democratic or leaning in that direction, the figure is 80 percent for the Asian Americans. And where 15 percent of the workforce are conservative-Republican or leaning that way, those descriptions fit only 3 percent of the black journalists.

The differences in religious affiliations seem to follow more general cultural patterns: Blacks are more likely than the rest of the workforce to be Protestant or ''other religious belief''; Asian Americans are more likely to be ''other'' or ''agnostic/nonbeliever''; and Hispanics are more likely to be Catholic.

Different Roads to Journalism

Each minority group displays a slightly different route to the journalism career. Asian Americans are more likely than all other ethnic groups to cite the school paper as the greatest influence on their decision to pursue journalism, while blacks are more likely to cite a teacher or a course. Also, Asian Americans and blacks seem more attracted to journalism than the others by the ''opportunity to have an impact on society.'' That is the top pick for those two ethnic groups, while the top choice for Hispanics and whites is ''the excitement and challenge of journalism.''

Majorities in all ethnic groups worked on the college paper, but the proportion is highest among Asian Americans: 80 percent. And while only 43 percent of the whites in the sample had internships in school, majorities in all the minority groups had internships. (This again could be a function of the minorities' youth, as newspaper internships are far more common now than 20 or 30 years ago.)

Blacks are more likely than any other group to have degrees in journalism, but blacks are also more likely to have had C averages in college. The majority of every group had B averages, but 22 percent of blacks say they made C's (compared to 10 percent for everyone else), and 43 percent of the Asian Americans say they had A averages (compared to 33 percent for everyone else). Asian American journalists also are the ethnic group most likely to hold graduate degrees.

There are also subtle differences in priorities in the personal lives of the minority journalists. All ethnic groups (including whites) choose ''successful marriage and family life'' most often, but 14 percent of blacks and Hispanics choose ''increasing my income'' as the top priority (compared to 6 percent of the other groups), and Asian Americans are far more likely than the others to choose ''an interesting and challenging job.''

The ethnic groups share many characteristics. Family-income patterns do not vary by race, nor do measures of satisfaction with one's personal life. Asked what they would do if they could ''change one thing'' in their personal lives, the journalists' answers follow the same pattern: Each group's majority wants more time to pursue personal interests (although blacks are twice as likely as the other groups to say their highest priority is to ''live elsewhere'').

Also, one-third of journalists are working in their original hometown area, regardless of race, and the distribution of sexual orientation (about 96 percent heterosexual overall) hardly varies by ethnic group.

Differences in Aspirations

Here again, there are many similarities, but differences emerge in the aspirations of minority journalists, in their thoughts about management and, unsurprisingly, in their opinions about the coverage and treatment of minority groups.

All ethnic groups report overwhelmingly (76 percent) that they prefer their current job to their most recent previous post, but Asian Americans lead the way, with 88 percent preferring their present job. All ethnic groups agree that their job meets their expectations, but a stronger minority opinion emerged among blacks: 36 percent say the job falls short of their expectations (compared to 25 percent of the overall workforce).

The best thing about the job is the ''opportunity to be creative and the daily challenge'' for a majority of each group. Blacks and Hispanics tend to be more optimistic and more ambitious than the overall sample. Whereas 51 percent of the whites in the sample rate their chances for advancement in journalism as "good" or "excellent," 64 percent of blacks and 65 percent of Hispanics make that assessment. And while 34 percent of the white journalists aspire to be top editor or publisher, 47 percent of the Hispanic journalists and 54 percent of the blacks are reaching that high. If they were to be doing the same work five years from now, majorities of blacks and Hispanics would be unhappy (compared to 35 percent of the whites).

Blacks and Hispanics also hold a different view on how people advance in their newsroom. The overall workforce accords roughly equal force to ''merit'' and ''politics'' as the primary basis for advancement (38 and 34 percent, respectively), but 50 percent of the black and Hispanic journalists say politics is the primary basis.

There are differences as well on the ''biggest obstacle'' to advancement. The most common obstacle cited by all ethnic groups is competition, but significant segments of the black, Hispanic and Asian American groups cite ''minority status.'' More than 37 percent of the black journalists make that choice (although another 37 percent of blacks rate competition as the biggest obstacle). Gender clearly is not perceived by minorities as the greatest obstacle, despite the greater female representation among blacks and Asian Americans. Only 1 or 2 percent of each minority group name gender as the biggest obstacle - compared to 13 percent of the white sample.

There is virtually no difference among ethnic groups on the biggest complaint with the job, on the future of newspapers generally, or on the question of whether one would choose newspapers again as a career (a resounding yes).

If I Were to Leave Journalism . . .

Minority groups seem to have different visions of why and when they would leave newspaper work. Asked their primary reason for ever leaving the business, 16 percent of the workforce choose ''opportunity for advancement,'' but that is the top choice for 28 percent of the Hispanics and 35 percent of the blacks. And while 43 percent of the overall workforce plan to leave newspapers in their 60s, 32 percent of Asian Americans, 29 percent of Hispanics and 18 percent of blacks predict they will stay that long. In fact, a majority (54 percent) of blacks say they will probably leave before age 50 (compared to 33 percent of the others). Nearly one-fourth of Hispanics say they will leave before age 40 (compared to 12 percent of the rest).

And leave to do what? Every ethnic group (including whites) most often would leave to do some other kind of writing, except blacks: The top choice among black journalists (at 34 percent) is to go into public relations. Asian Americans and Hispanics are less likely than the others to seek out public relations as the first choice.

My Own Paper's Treatment of Women and Minorities

There is a great deal of sameness among ethnic groups on ratings of their paper's coverage of most subject areas. Blacks are more likely than other groups to consider their paper's coverage of crime as ''fair'' or ''poor.'' But the salient differences emerge over coverage of minorities and gays/lesbians. While 27 percent of the whites in the sample rate their paper's coverage of minorities as poor, 46 percent of blacks, 41 percent of Hispanics and 38 percent of Asian Americans give that assessment. As for their paper's coverage of gays and lesbians, the top choice for every ethnic group is poor, but only for blacks is poor a choice for the majority (55 percent).

Minority-group journalists tend to disagree with their white colleagues over the treatment of certain groups in the newsroom. A 54 percent majority of blacks, for instance, say people of color are treated unfairly in their newsrooms, compared with only 12 percent of the whites. Thirty-eight percent of Asian Americans and 29 percent of Hispanics also rate the treatment as unfair.

Majorities of all ethnic groups but blacks agree that men and white people are treated fairly in the newsroom. Fifty-four percent of the black journalists say men are treated better than others, and 57 percent of blacks feel that white people are treated better than others. Strong segments of the other minority groups agree: 37 percent of Hispanics say men are treated better and 42 percent say whites are treated better; 38 percent of Asian Americans say men are treated better, and 30 percent say whites are treated better.

Majorities of all ethnic groups agree that women are treated fairly, but one-third of the black journalists say women are treated unfairly (as compared to only one-sixth of all the others).

Differences emerge over the commitment of papers to diversity and fairness. Whereas most white journalists consider their paper's commitment to ethnic diversity to be ''appropriate,'' 75 percent of blacks (and 66 percent of Hispanics and 65 percent of Asian Americans) say it is ''inadequate.'' Only one-fourth of the sample rate their paper's commitment to gender diversity as inadequate, but 45 percent of blacks and 39 percent of Asian Americans give their papers inadequate marks. Significant portions of the black and Asian American groups also rate their paper's commitment to fairness on issues of sexual orientation as inadequate.

As for assessments of the overall quality of their own paper, however, ethnicity makes no difference.

Management Styles

Minority groups differ in some important ways from the white majority in the views of how the newsroom ought to be run. Asked what single change they would make if they were in charge of the newsroom, the top choice (at 36 percent) for the overall workforce is to expand the staff. Not so for blacks, Hispanics and Asian Americans. The top choice for all three ethnic groups (at about 38 percent of all responses) is ''improve communication between management and staff, including more feedback.'' Twenty-three percent of the rest of the overall newsroom would make that their number-one improvement. Also, significant numbers of minority-group respondents (about 16 percent) choose ''provide training for career development,'' the top choice for only 9 percent overall.

Encouragement, one-on-one communication and feedback form a theme for management among the minority groups. Asked to name their immediate supervisor's major strength, Asian Americans are more likely than any other ethnic group to choose ''encouraging people and giving feedback.'' Asked to name their immediate supervisor's major weakness, blacks and Asian Americans are more likely to choose ''poor at encouraging people and giving feedback.'' While roughly half of the overall workforce support more frequent one-on-one communication, 70 percent of blacks and 74 percent of Asian Americans urge more one-on-one.

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